fascist mammon cancer pigss and chickenss at large posing for themselves
Met "drugs" (geneesmiddelen), of het nou koolmonoxide is (lijkt me moeilijk te geloven, dat heb ik gelezen, dat koolmonoxide inhaleren gedaan werd als drug, zo giftig als wat), dexamfetamine, bloeddoping van training in het hooggebergte, epo en of efedrine is, heeft pogecar het snelste de tour dit jaar gereden, een plezier voor veel mensen om naar te kijken (voor mij niet meer, niet omdat ik somber ben, maar het kan me niet schelen, ik vind de beelden van Frankrijk, vooral de bergen vaak mooi, vond dus, want ik kijk niet meer) .. het kost veel geld en energie en tijd heeft levende planeet aarde steeds minder, liever dat miljarden euro's daaraan uitgegeven worden dan aan verspillend vernielend verbrandend huichelend hypocriet hebzuchtig bezitterig ijdel verwaand vals doodss goor gelovig (nog steeds "geloven" dat wielrenners die onmenselijke prestaties leveren doping vrij zijn na de afgelopen 65 jaar met armstrong, de stilgelegde tour omdat alle renners of 1 ploeg van erik breukink bleek drugs te gebruiken en die deense krielkip, die toen tussen andere doping gebruikers het snelste reed, 2006, hoe gelovig wil je dan zijn en blijven) en daardoor gluiperig smerig stupide mammonkanker "bestuur", zoals van d. en m. trump, v. poetin, vvd pvv nscdabbb fvd en zo voortss
Ik denk dat Alex Bras voor 60% denkt dat vlad poetin in zijn wanhoop kernwapens gaat gebruiken, hij heeft dochters en ook nog kinderen bij een andere in zwitserland ondergebracht >> dat klinkt al heel gevaarlijk, als vlad rattevarken poetin voor de slachtoffer rol kiest, dan maar rusland en oekraïne vernielen en hopen dat zwitserland de kernoorlog net wel overleeft, amerika eventueel, natuurlijk vlucht het rattenvarkentje naar zwitserland of amerika en hij is nu al doodziek, op sterven na dood, er wordt gezegd dat hij parkinson heeft .. en geestellijk is hij nu de meest doodzieke op de wereld met hieronder negatief genoemden in de mammonkanker krengetjes ijdele vvd ggg ss nsbcdabbb pvv fvd kutkop
En dat Alex en Kevin Bras nu voor meer dan 55% denken dat klimaatverandering, het verbranden en vernielen en verspillen van de genoemde vvd ggg ss ccccc varkensskippen van de wereld, planeet aarde totaal vernielt, verbrandt rond 2055, het leven .. en heel misschien krijgt de aarde na 50 miljoen jaar een nieuwe ronde, nieuwe kansen (vrees van niet) .. of dat het toch mogelijk is dat er uit of dat een rode ster via Jupiter een planeet floept die op Venus botst de komende 226 miljoen jaar, weer een rondje van de zon rond zwart gat Sagittarius A
Het mooie blauwe winde veldje is vernield, net zoals het hoge mooie struikgewas waar Strepy zo graag lag als tijgerin en de mooie schitterende boom weg werd gehaald door ijdele vvd ggg ss sielige seikerdjes van de vve, ingesteld en wette lijk vastgelegd door ijdele verwaande kakelkutten van d66
Voor mij is hillary clinton een afgeschreven ijdele verwaande verwende domme gelovige smerige stupide kut, 1000 keer beter dan fascist sexist greedy pigsschickenss d. en m. trump. Michelle Obama en George Clooney is mijn “ideaal” voor de overgang naar een sociaal democratische anarchie voor vrede, vrijheid, gelijkwaardigheid, sociale solidariteit en het redden van de natuur en een levende planeet aarde .. als “de mensheid” zo doorgaat is het rond 2055 afgelopen, planeet aarde verbrand en vernield door triljarden liters en kilo's olie, kolen, gas, en bossen en lijken en huisvuil te verbranden onder andere en een deken van niet afbreekbaar plastic in de oceanen en zo voorts.
Trump Is Promising To Fight For The Working Class ― While Telling CEOs The Opposite
Donald Trump and his allies spent a lot of time at the Republican National Convention this week proclaiming that they are on the side of everyday Americans in an ongoing, existential struggle against a wealthy, corporate elite.
It’s the same basic pitch Trump has been making throughout this campaign, and since he first formally got into politics roughly a decade ago. And although it’s a sprawling appeal with a heavy dose of cultural affinity ― yes, that was pro wrestler Hulk Hogan ripping off his shirt on stage Thursday night ― a key component of the Trump campaign is economic. JD Vance, the Ohio senator Trump tapped to be his running mate, made this abundantly clear in a Wednesday acceptance speech that railed against “Wall Street barons” and “America’s ruling class in Washington,” in defense of “the working man.”
This is not the sort of rhetoric you would have heard at previous GOP conventions. And the change has certainly gotten the media’s attention, judging by all the discussion (including in my articles!) about how Trump has injected the Grand Old Party with some good, old-fashioned populism.
It could help him win the election, too, if it resonates with voters who are frustrated with higher prices at the grocery store and gas station ― and who have a sense, going back decades, that neither political party has had their best interests at heart.
One reason Trump can make this pitch so effectively is that he has broken with the GOP establishment on some substantive matters, most conspicuously trade and immigration.
Republican leaders have traditionally tried to keep the flow of both as free as possible, putting them in lockstep with corporate groups and other wealthy interests who feel the same way. Trump is all about building walls that, he promises, will keep out both the foreign goods and the foreign people. And when he’s not invoking racist or nativist tropes as justification, he’s saying the barriers will protect American workers from unfair competition.
But if Trump is the first Republican in recent history to embrace protectionism so completely, he’s hardly the first to say he’s fighting on behalf of non-wealthy Americans. Even Mitt Romney, the plutocrat’s plutocrat and now a senator from Utah, pledged fealty to the working class when he accepted the GOP presidential nomination back in 2012.
And for all of the ways that Trump really is a different sort of Republican, there are a whole bunch of ways that he’s really not.
In fact, if you look closely at the initiatives Trump is promising to roll out and consider the policies he’s pursued in the past, you might come to the conclusion that four more years of his presidency would be a bad deal for the very workers he claims to be defending ― with good reason.
A Closer Look At Trump’s Agenda
Trump wants to slap a 10% levy on all imported goods and a higher, 50% levy on goods from China. He says this will prevent foreign competitors from undercutting U.S. companies, so that the wares available in stores here are made “in America and only in America.”
Tariffs can certainly deter foreign competitors, and nowadays plenty of mainstream economists agree that targeted tariffs make sense as a way to prop up particular sectors, like the auto industry, when it’s in the national interest. But the kind of sweeping, indiscriminate tariffs Trump is eyeing would almost certainly lead to less overall growth and higher prices for consumers. Lower- and middle-income Americans would bear the burden disproportionately, because they tend to spend more of their paychecks on goods rather than services.
But the tariffs are just one part of Trump’s economic agenda. He also wants to cut taxes. He’s floated a few different ideas, including reducing the corporate tax rate to 15% ― a further cut from his 2017 tax law, which moved the top corporate rate from 35% to 21%. Because his campaign does not issue detailed briefings the way his predecessors have, it’s difficult to precisely predict the impact. But the benefits of the 2017 cuts were skewed towards the rich; analysts looking at his more recent rhetoric think his current promises would work out the same way.
One particularly ominous idea is Trump’s suggestion that he could just junk the income tax altogether and rely on tariff revenue to replace it. It’s a fantastical promise that would work only if the federal government took a cleaver to spending or borrowed far more money than it already does.
These possibilities explain why so many economists, representing so many different viewpoints, have trashed Trump’s plans. One analysis from the Peterson Institute of International Economics calculated that his agenda would work out to $1,700 in higher annual costs for the typical family, which is pretty much the opposite of what he’s promised people reeling from the price of food, gas or housing.
Trump’s agenda, the report’s authors concluded, would “entail sharply regressive tax policy changes, shifting tax burdens away from the well-off and toward lower-income members of society while harming US workers and industries.”
A Closer Look At Trump’s Record
Economists can be wrong, of course, and distrust for academic experts is as much a part of Trumpism as contempt for corporate elites. But that’s what’s so strange ― and ultimately so telling ― about Trump’s agenda. Instead of repelling wealthy leaders of the business community, Trump has been winning them over.
After a meeting with roughly 100 CEOs from a variety of industriesin June, several emerged saying they’d decided to support Trump with contributions. And that’s on top of the backing he’s hotten from a handful of tech titans ― including Elon Musk, who recently pledged $45 million a month to a Trump-aligned super PAC.
Trump reportedly courted the CEOs with promises of tax cuts and fewer regulations, and he touted a proposal about tipping that illustrates the true nature of his populism almost perfectly.
The proposal would exempt tips from the income tax. That sounds great for waiters and other service workers ― a good proxy for the working class, though they represent just 5% of the low- and middle-income workforce. But, as Howard Gleckman of the Tax Policy Center noted recently, most “make so little income that they already pay little or no income tax.”
Oh, and the proposal could be a boon for hedge fund managers and other members of the country club crowd, depending on proposal details, because of opportunities it’d create to game the tax system.
As is always the case with Trump, it’s difficult to know how seriously to take any vows he makes, whether behind closed doors in a C-Suite or on a convention stage in front of a national television audience. But this is where Trump’s record comes into play, and not just his record on tax cuts.
Trump rolled back workplace safety rules, gutted protections against wage theft and filled federal agencies with anti-union officials, as Dave Jamieson detailed here at HuffPost last year. And, of course, Trump tried to repeal the Affordable Care Act, a.k.a. Obamacare, which would have taken health insurance away from millions.
That record may not be a perfect guide to how Trump would govern in another term. But it’s probably a more reliable indicator than the show he put on in Milwaukee this week, or anything else he says between now and Election Day. And so while it’s clear Trump has refashioned the Republican Party, it’s less clear his changes are the ones working Americans had in mind.
JD Vance Left His Venmo Public and There's Some Wild Stuff in There
Open Book
You'd think an operator as smooth as JD Vance — Yale alumnus, Ohio Senator, and now Donald Trump's running mate — would be more mindful about his social media use.
Wired got a hold of Vance's Venmo account and took a peek into his contact list, which shows the breadth and depth of his deep connections with the rich and powerful of the United States, despite his personal brand as an underrepresented figure from rural America, fighting against out-of-touch elites.
In reality, the payment app shows a range of powerful connections, from Tucker Carlson to Yale Law School classmates in high places, tech executives, the superrich, and conservative operatives connected with The Heritage Foundation's notorious Project 2025, whose aim is to mold the federal government into a more starkly right wing apparatus. In other words, his gilded personal connections should raise the eyebrows of anybody who thinks of him as legitimately working class.
There are also personal connections that just look embarrassing. Take his connection Jordan Wiggins, who once ran Vance's successful Senate campaign, and according to Wired had transactions crudely described as "adult 🎥" and "Back waxing & Happy Ending." (Wiggins didn't respond to Wired's request for comment, but made his account private after the magazine reached out.)
Private Eye
Beyond the specifics of Vance's Venmo, the incident goes to show that nothing is ever private when it comes to technology like social media.
Case in point is the infamous example of US Congressman Matt Gaetz of Florida, whose Venmo showed that he had paid a now-convicted sex trafficker, who then gave money to three women. Gaetz is alleged to have had sex with one of the women, who was 17 years old at the time.
You'd think that such a spectacular explosion of scandal would make anybody — especially the well-connected — cautious about their social media use. But that's a no, as seen in the situation with Vance and his former campaign manager.
Even if you aren't a well-connected senator who's one step away from becoming vice president, you should be more mindful about social media use and anything involving online transactions.
Not only can your activities become public, but hackers can exploit the bread crumbs of information in apps like Venmo and make you a target for a scam, among other thievery.
More on Venmo: Congressman's Sex Scandal Explodes Because He Left Venmo Transactions on Public
Trump's GOP is no country for MAGA women
https://www.yahoo.com/news/trumps-gop-no-country-maga-100006649.html
After four days at the RNC, I suspect a major source of her woes was something darker. The GOP, already the party of sexism, is getting more gratuitous with its toxic masculinity. Everywhere one looked at the convention, Republicans were exalting maleness with an ardor that reads as "defensive" to outsiders but appears to be a convincing display to those inside the MAGA cult. The overcompensation led to a grand finale featuring both pro wrestler Hulk Hogan and Ultimate Fighting Championship president Dana White, rather than the traditional activists and politicians one hears at a convention. Hogan declared Trump a "gladiator," which should be funny applied to a doughy senior citizen caked in make-up, but appears to have been taken at face value by the RNC crowd. Along with the James Brown song, Trump used "Macho Man" by the Village People as intro music, still indifferent to the irony of the song.
The boys club vibe spread throughout the convention. Women were welcome, but only as support staff. A few years ago, female provocateurs like Greene were riding high, feeling like they could troll their way into MAGA stardom like their male counterparts. The message being sent at the GOP's 2024 convention: It's time for the gals to take a back seat.
Kari Lake, the current GOP senate candidate for Arizona and failed gubernatorial candidate, did not have a good convention. Her speech was early in the evening on Tuesday, and poorly attended. Lake, a former newscaster, is not getting the juice she seemed to think would be hers if she rebranded as a MAGA loudmouth. She did her best, dropping the Sarah Palin-associated phrase "mama bear" liberally throughout her speech. She even tried to rile up the crowd by yelling "fake news" at the media section. The two-minute hate fell flat. There were only a handful of reporters even sitting in the press section. Even Fox News declined to air her speech.
On Thursday, Lake had her book signing next to ones held by Donald Trump Jr. and former Trump aide Peter Navarro, recently released from prison. The two men were greeted like rock stars, with attendees happily waiting over an hour to meet their MAGA heroes. A few people did buy books from Lake, but her paltry line stood out even more next to those of her male counterparts.
Plenty of female speakers had a better reception, but only when they were playing the role of cheerleader for the real MAGA leaders: men. Kellyanne Conway, who once seemed to believe being a Trump spokeswoman was a launching pad for herself, was a sad sight. She praised Trump's history of "promoting" women to a crowd that could not care less. The message had an unintended irony. Conway once enjoyed a reputation on Capitol Hill as a trusted political consultant. But the way she beclowned herself as Trump's spokesperson — remember "alternative facts?" — has rendered her a joke, even to Trump's loyal supporters.
"The Republican convention is just making it totally explicit that the project of Trumpism is centrally about masculinity,” Jackson Katz, who researches the tropes of masculinity, told 19th News. As Mel Leonor Barclay writes, it's "key to a Trump victory," because "Trump has a significant advantage among men — 27 points in a New York Times/Siena College survey of registered voters — that surpasses Biden’s advantage among women."
The crowd at the RNC certainly reflected this. While attendance was far lower than in the past — 27,000 people came this year, compared to the reported 45,000 in 2016. The convention also appeared to have more young people than eight years ago. But it was mostly young men, not women. Everywhere one looked at the Milwaukee RNC, packs of men in their 20s and 30s roamed around, often in tailored suits instead of the khakis and polo shirts preferred by their older brethren. But the dandified fashion of the young would-be fascist should not fool anyone. The key to attracting all these young men is a deeply misogynist message: Feminists deprived them of their "right" to dominate, and only through Trump can they regain the glorious patriarchal past.
The ironic result is that the avowedly anti-feminist would-be female leaders of the GOP now go ignored. Concerned Women for America has long been a Republican powerhouse, central to organizing the Christian right. But no matter how loud their microphones were, they couldn't attract attendees for public prayer sessions. The only people watching as the "concerned women" prayed were journalists.
Citing a 2020 study by psychology researchers that found a correlation between Google searches for "erectile dysfunction, penis size, penis enlargement, hair loss, hair plugs, testosterone, and Viagra" and voting Republican, Meyerson writes that precarious manhood turns some men into "putty for a demagogue who blames your plight on MAGA’s usual suspects." However the young men in expensive suits talking about how they want a "tradwife" are not motivated by economic anxiety, as Meyerson assumes. Still he's not wrong that everything from Hogan ripping off his shirt to Trump pretending he's a general egging on troops is a collective overcompensation by a whole lot of men.
In this mass psychodrama, there isn't a place for female leaders.
For a few minutes during the Trump administration, there did seem to be a path to power for women like Greene or Lake or their Colorado counterpart, Rep. Lauren Boebert. Most of the early enthusiasm appears due to the novelty of seeing right-wing women who could hold their own in the competition to be the loudest bully in the room. Such women were especially good at triggering liberals, who may not be as misogynist as Republicans but still have sexist expectations that it's especially unbecoming for women to act this way. But in the past year or so, dating at least back to when Boebert got caught groping her date at "Beetlejuice: The Musical," the shine has come off. Liberals no longer react to female MAGA's provocations with outrage, but with eye-rolling. Without the trigger-the-liberals effect, it appears lady trolls have little to offer the Republican base. They certainly aren't valued as leaders in a party where men live in a constant state of paranoia about being emasculated.
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